Bishop, J. (2010). Tough on data misuse, tough on the causes of data misuse: A review of New Labour’s approach to information security and regulating themisuse of digital information (1997–2010). International Review of Law, Computers and Technology 24 (3), pp. 299–308
New Labour was a description of a particular approach to government of the British Labour Party, which was in power in the United Kingdom between 1997 and 2010.While this government initially envisaged an end to the social causes of misdemeanours, its actions led to a greater number of laws on the statute bookscreating thousands of statutory offences. A small number of these had direct effectson the number of computer related offences that were able to be prosecuted. This paper reviews these laws, and the role of legal systems in responding to theincreasing number of misdemeanours that are occurring in computer environments for which New Labour’s approach of creating more statutory offences has not addressed.
Tough on data misuse, tough on the causes of data misuse: A review of New Labour’s approach to information …
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The role of the prefrontal cortex in social orientation construction: A pilot study
The restoring and maximising of well-being in individuals disadvantaged or traumatised by physical, neurological, psychological or social causes therefore becomes a significant issue for all professionals whether in life, social or information sciences. This poster presents a review of the literature to establish a prima facie case for investigating the role of the prefrontal cortex in predetermining outcomes of the with medicalised social orientation impairments such as autism, Bipolar, Schizophrenia, ADHD, as well as problems relating to occupation health and substance misuse. The characteristics of the pre-frontal cortex are identified from a number of journals and then these terms cross references with those impairments. Anseries of equations are presented on how one might look at representing differences in the pre-frontal cortex by using a post-cognitivist psychology paradigm to represent the psycho-analytical concepts of ‘phantasies’ in a manner that allows for use in questionnaire, statistical analysis, and information system adaptation.
The role of the prefrontal cortex in social orientation construction: A pilot study
Summary of Conclusions
- It is emotional dysfunction in the brain that causes most people to be autistic and not them having ‘autism’
- Someone becomes autistic through a sub-optimal prefrontal cortex which affects working memory, among other factors.
- A prefrontal cortex can become sub-optimal through lack of brain function to handle social and emotional stressors, such as might be caused by brain injuries such as hippocampal sclerosis
- It can also become sub-optimal through traumatic abuse, including allergic reactions to vaccines, sex abuse, traumatic birth.
- Finally, a sub-optimal pre-frontal cortex can come about through genetic mutations in it.
- The degree of impairment in the prefrontal cortex can be measured through simple alpha and beta brain imaging tools
Bishop, J. (2011). The role of the prefrontal cortex in social orientation construction: A pilot study. Poster presented to the British Psychological Society’s Sustainable Well-Being Conference. Glyndwr University, Wrexham, 10 September 2011. Available online at: http://www.jonathanbishop.com/Library/Documents/EN/docBPSSWPoster.pdf
Bishop, J. (2011). Transforming Lurkers into Posters: The Role of The Participation Continuum. In: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Internet Technologies and Applications (ITA’11), Glyndwr Univeristy, Wrexham, September 2011.
Encouraging participation has long been seen as a way additional to new technology of helping online communities to grow. Online community sysops may well advertise their website on other service platforms, but with up to 90% of the visitors to their site being non-participants, referred to as lurkers, they could do no better than improving their website to tackle lurker fears. This paper presents the ‘participation continuum’ for understanding why some users are posters, and do participate, and why others are lurkers, and do not contribute. The paper considers the fears of reluctant lurkers to participation and shows how as a result of trying to resolve the incongruence between wanting to post but fearing the consequences they will often be stagnant in a state of rationalization, giving excuses for non-participation. Through intellectualizing after being provided with new evidence from sysops, they begin to mediate towards enhancement where their participation will increase. The determined lurkers are quite happy lurking, and preserving non participation, and therefore need more help to bridge the ‘Preece Gap’ between where they are currently participating and where they could be with more help.
Transforming Lurkers into Posters: The Role of the Participation Continuum//
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All’s WELL that Ends WELL: A Comparative Analysis of the Constitutional and Administrative Frameworks of Cyberspace and the United Kingdom
Constitutional and Administrative Law is a core component of legal studies throughout the world, but to date little has been written about how this might exist on the Internet, which is like a world without frontiers. John Perry Barlow’s “Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace” served to start the debate about the legitimacy of nation-states to impose laws on such a virtual space. It has been argued that the nation-states won as there are now a significant number of laws regulating the Internet on national and international levels. It can however be seen that there are commonalities between the two entities. For example, there are commonalities in the way they function. There are also commonalities in the way civil rights exist, and the existence of civil remedies and law enforcement. These are all explored in the chapter, which also presents two concepts about the authority of the state in regulating behaviour in online communities. One of them, “sysop prerogative,” says that owners of website can do whatever they want so long as they have not had it taken away by law or given it away by contract. The second, ‘The Preece Gap’, says that there is a distance between the ideal usable and sociable website that the users want and that which the owners of the website provide in practice. Two other concepts are also introduced, “the Figallo effect” and the “Jimbo effect.” The former describes an online community where users use their actual identities and sysop prerogative is delegated to them. The latter describes those where sysop prerogative is exercised by one or more enforcers to control users who use pseudonyms. The chapter concludes that less anonymity and a more professionalised society are needed to bridge the gap between online and offline regulation of behavior.
Bishop, J. (2011). All’s WELL that Ends WELL: A Comparative Analysis of the Constitutional and Administrative Frameworks of Cyberspace and the United Kingdom. In: Alfreda Dudley, James Braman and Giovanni Vincenti (Eds.) Investigating Cyber Law and Cyber Ethics: Issues, Impacts and Practices. New York: IGI Global. Available online at: http://www.jonathanbishop.com/Library/Documents/EN/docIGIPaper_AllsWELL.pdf
As someone who has had research published on the role of “Black stereotypes” in understanding online communities every year since 2008 and who has served as a councillor in Treforest, the most ethnically diverse ward in Rhondda Cynon Taf since that year, I must say I am shocked by the ignorance in the David Starkey racism row – not of David Starkey, but many others.
As a company director in charge of compliance I know that the racial characteristics of “Black” and “White” are protected by equality legislation and if David Starkey meant it in this way he would be racist. But as someone who is devoutly into popular music and has a degree in media studies I know that the terms “Black” and “White” mean something totally different in popular culture.
For instance, Eminem is “White” but “does Black music”. In simple terms he writes about how he as a white person has suffered the same suppression and discrimination that the many Black people disadvantaged in society do as a result of their needs not being taken account of. This “Black music” about overcoming suppression and disadvantage is bound to be identified with by those trapped on welfare by not being given chances in life others enjoy.
The “Black” stereotypes I have researched, like “pariah”, could describe the way the working class are treated by the political elite to which Mr Starkey refers, unlike the more positive ones like “assiduous” and “exotic”, which mean creative and unique respectively, and which hopefully the many working-class people of Merthyr will soon be now the University of Glamorgan is there ready to expand their horizons like they have in Treforest.
The critics who are not able to differentiate having “black skin” from the existence of “Black culture” are, using the words of the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, “institutionally racist” and it is their ignorance they should be ashamed of and not David Starkey’s informed observation.
ï»¿It was interesting to read Jack Doyle and Kirsty Walkerâ€™s article on immigration (â€˜There ARE too many immigrants in the UK’, say seven in 10 Britons, Daily Mail, August 5).
As someone with a Masters in economics, I say that the best way to stem the flow of benefit migrants is â€˜supply-sideâ€™ through reforming the welfare system and ending discrimination, rather than â€˜demand-sideâ€™ as the UK Government wants, by imposing caps on economic migrants who can aid the growth targets through providing skills that businesses want in order to innovate that don’t exist the UK.
The combined ability of our country to produce wealth, our â€˜product possibility frontierâ€™ (PPF) is reduced for each person who is signed off as being â€˜unfit for workâ€™. So every employer, who tells a disabled person like me that they are not willing to take steps to integrate us into the workplace, means that another immigrant will have to come from outside the country to do the job weare more than capable of with help, in order to keep the economy going and maintain the UK’s PPF.
Our benefits system rewards being out of work, by giving people free money for doing nothing. Instead, people out of work should be made to take out welfare loans, on the same basis as university students have to. When they go back to work they can start paying it off.
Do you think the benefit migrants would still come to this country if they knew that, like university graduates, they would have to pay back what theytook out wherever in the world they are?
Not allowing free migration to those with skills business needs because of the abuse of the system by benefit migrants is simply ‘throwing out the baby with the bath water‘.
A Facebook friend, Alun Parsons gave me a link to an article in the Guardian on ‘the logic of madness‘
The description of a ‘paranoiac‘ given in the article appears to be little different from how I see people who are members of ideological groups.
For instance die-hard socialists I know want nationalisation at any cost. I’ve asked some whether they would accept a compromise – that the state can fund capitalists can be allowed to go to a private physician of their choice, while socialists can be allowed to go to a state-provided energy firm of their choice. They are against the private sector so much that theyâ€™d give up the chance of a state option in home fuel that doesnâ€™t exist at present.
I think the truth is that they know at the end of the day they would go to the cheapest energy provider as we all would, and they don’t want to have to make that choice.
Equally I’ve suggested to monarchists and republicans that we have a compromise. England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland are constituted as independent republics and are members of a British Confederation with the Queen merely a figurehead.
The die-hard Welsh nationalist republicans would rather Wales be part of England as it is now than have a compromise of the monarchy being kept.
So this article’s penultimate point of ‘Encountering someone who actually knows the answer to these questions will exert a gravitational effect‘ – appears to me to be true of most ideological people, who see arguing for their worldview more as a lifestyle choice than part of the political process of change and accommodation of others into our belief systems.
Old Labour generally dismisses using the market in education because everyone would want their child to go to the best school and not every school is a good school.
When the average person who is not familiar with choice-based education thinks of best schools they think of schools that give the best grades.
I therefore think the Welsh Government should level-up grades by splitting results into grade point averages and grades.
That is, each pupil taking a GCSE or A-Level will on their certificates be given an average mark (mine is around 70) and a grade (A*-G etc.).
While the GPA will be based on how well they actually did in the exam in terms of the marking criteria they grade would be based on where they are in relation to the other pupils in their school. So if the top 5% of pupils at a ‘bad’ school had GPAs of 60% and the top 5% at a ”good school had 80% then both would get A* grades.
Universities would be forced to base their assessment on the grades, while employers the GPA. This means the ‘top’ universities would be forced to take students from disadvantaged areas who otherwise wouldn’t get to university.
I went to a state funded private school, and while I got poor GCSEs (3 A’s* and 2 C’s in the resits years later) I have gone on to get 3 masters degrees, because the education at that school was tailored just to me and made me an independent learner. I soon caught up with others, but – I was in the Top 5% of Law Graduates at Glamorgan and only got a Merit. I should have got a Distinction in my opinion.
I’m not arguing that private is better than public. What I want the Welsh Government to do is give people choice. This can be done by stopping the partitioning of the education market through catchment areas and allowing parents to home educate their child with state-funded access to e-learning. I think I would have had even better outcomes if my parents had been allowed this choice. As I have said recently in letters to the papers; home education need not be isolated from society, as parents can tap into the sports lessons of other schools, and have RE on a Sunday at ‘Sunday School’ for instance, and special maths and English at Kumon, which could be in the day if allowed to expand and access the current monpolised compulsary education market.
Bishop, J. (2011). Mum’s the WordPress: A Comparative Analysis of Political and Mommy Bloggers. In Hamid R. Arabnia; Victor A. Clincy & Ashu M. G. Solo (Eds.) Proceedings of The 2011 Internet Conference on Internet Computing (ICOMP’2011). July 18-21, 2011. Las Vegas Nevada, USA.
This research paper presents findings into the differences between two types of popular bloggers: the political blogger and the mommy blogger. These terms are recent entries to the lexicon of online communities, but are soon becoming distinct concepts. This paper shows that mommy bloggers rarely discuss the issues mainly associated with political bloggers, although the reverse is not always true. While political bloggers talk about family issues, this often has little to do with calling for their rights, but echoing sentiments relating to the family life of political public figures.
Mums the WordPress – A Comparative Analysis of Political and Mommy Bloggers//
You can download this paper by using this link.
Solo, A.M.G. & Bishop, J. (2011). The New Field of Network Politics. In: Proceedings of The 2011 International Conference on e-Learning, e-Business, Enterprise Information Systems, and e-Government (EEE’11). Las Vegas, Nevada, USA, 18-20 July 2011.
This research paper defines a new field called network politics. Network politics refers to politics and networks. These networks include the Internet, private networks, cellular networks, telephone networks, radio networks, television networks, etc. Network politics includes the applications of networks to enable one or more individuals or organizations to engage in political communication. Furthermore, network politics includes political regulation of networks. Finally, network politics includes the accompanying issues that arise when networks are used for political communication or when there is political regulation of networks. The domain of network politics includes, but is not limited to, e-politics (social networking for driving revolutions and organizing protests, online petitions, political blogs and vlogs, whistleblower Web sites, online campaigning, e-participation, virtual town halls, e-voting, Internet freedom, access to information, net neutrality, etc.) and applications of other networks in politics (robocalling, text messaging, TV broadcasting, etc.). The definition of this field should significantly increase the pace of research and development in this important field.
The New Field of Network Politics//
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